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A Lotus in Steel, Glass and Technology to Bloom in October

When the Navi Mumbai International Airport is inaugurated, India will be unveiling not just new runways and terminals but a symbol of ambition. Rising from mangroves and mudflats, the lotus-inspired aviation hub is industrialist Gautam Adani’s attempt to transform Mumbai’s skies.

By Neha Bhaskar

Mumbai, 29 Sep 2025: Next month, on 8 October, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurates the Navi Mumbai International Airport (IATA: NMI), the moment will mark far more than the opening of another piece of critical infrastructure.

It will be the unveiling of a monument to modern India’s ambition — an airport born in adversity, sculpted through years of engineering audacity and now on its way to becoming one of the great regional aviation hubs of the world.

The date in October has been carefully chosen in an attempt to put Mumbai’s monsoon delays behind and to signal confidence that India’s most awaited airport will soon be ready for its first passengers.

For Mumbai, a packed city hemmed in by the sea and pressed to breaking point at Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj International Airport (IATA: BOM), the second international gateway is not a luxury but an existential need.

CSMIA is among the busiest single-runway airports in the world, straining under volumes it was never built to bear. A new airport has been spoken of for decades, but what remained only a dream for long is finally being translated into steel, concrete, glass, green and technology.

For billionaire infrastructure developer Gautam Adani and his family, the opening of NMIA is not only a matter of capacity and commerce but also a symbol of vision and succession.

This is the Group’s first greenfield airport and, more importantly for the Adani family, the first major infrastructure project to carry the imprint of the Indian industrialist’s younger son, Jeet Adani, who has been closely involved in overseeing its development.

What makes Navi Mumbai truly distinctive is that it is not just another terminal or another runway but an airport that announces itself with symbolism. Unlike the anonymous steel boxes that pass for terminals in much of the world, it will bloom with poetry.

Its lotus-inspired design, drawing on India’s national flower, turns cultural memory into living architecture. Each petal-like terminal module has been arranged to grow outward, ensuring that as traffic expands the airport can scale gracefully while still keeping passenger journeys compact and intuitive.

The lotus, often associated with resilience and purity, carries here the larger metaphor of India’s rise: rooted in tradition, yet rising above adversity into the modern light.

At full build-out, the airport will have four terminals and two parallel runways, able to handle up to 90 million passengers every year. That puts it in the same league as Heathrow, Istanbul or Dallas–Fort Worth, airports that define their cities as global hubs.

The inaugural phase alone will accommodate 20 million passengers, equivalent to the total annual traffic of entire nations such as Portugal or Greece.

The airport’s cargo handling capacity will grow from half a million tonnes to over three million, making Navi Mumbai as much a logistics giant as a passenger hub.

Inside, the experience is designed as part travel, part immersion. Passengers will encounter digital art galleries projecting the culture of Maharashtra, immersive tunnels that narrate the story of Mumbai and India through light and sound, lounges that echo the city’s café culture, children’s play zones, and forecourt plazas designed to feel like extensions of the metropolis outside.

The site itself was among the most challenging ever chosen for an airport in India. At Ulwe in Navi Mumbai, the land was a mosaic of mangroves, hillocks, rivers, dust and wetlands. Building here required one of the largest land-levelling exercises in India’s history.

Hills were flattened, rivers redirected, swamps reclaimed. More than 2,800 acres have been transformed into an aviation city. Where there was once wilderness, there now stretches a modern hub of concrete runways, glass facades and a control tower. The transformation was so immense that, for years, sceptics doubted it could ever be achieved.

Yet the location is strategic to a fault. Within sight of the newly opened Mumbai Trans Harbour Link, the longest sea bridge in India, and only a short drive from Jawaharlal Nehru Port, the country’s largest container gateway, Navi Mumbai International Airport sits at the junction of commerce and connectivity. It links seamlessly to the industrial belts of Thane, Taloja and Pune, and will eventually be tied into both the metro and suburban rail systems.

Few airports in the world sit amid such a concentration of road, rail, sea and air links. This is not simply an airport but a multimodal gateway, designed to bind together cargo flows from ship to plane, passengers from metro to terminal and businesses from factory to global markets.

The grandeur of the architecture and the ambition of the connectivity, however, rest on foundations built by sweat and grit. For nearly four years, tens of thousands of workers laboured through scorching summers and punishing monsoons. They moved earth, poured concrete, raised steel and laid tarmac, often under floodlights that turned night into day.

It is their fingerprints, calloused and unseen, that are pressed into the airport’s walls and runways. Jeet Adani, in his mid-20s when work began, took on the role of day-to-day oversight, walking the muddy site, pressing contractors and lending the project a youthful urgency.

For him, NMIA is not just an airport: it is his first signature on India’s skyline. If his elder brother Karan has become synonymous with ports and logistics, Jeet has now claimed aviation as his canvas. In that sense, Navi Mumbai is also a family milestone — a beginner’s win for the next generation.

For Gautam Adani himself, NMIA fits into a larger philosophy. As India’s most visible nationalist industrialist, his ventures are rarely framed as private enterprise alone. Ports, power plants, roads, renewable parks and now airports are woven into a larger story of nation-building.

He often argues that infrastructure is destiny, and that airports are not only gateways for trade and travel but also gateways of aspiration, shaping the impressions of millions of Indians and visitors alike.

With Mumbai finally entering the era of a dual-airport system, he is not merely operating an airport: he is etching his belief that India must match its infrastructure with its aspirations.

Technologically, Navi Mumbai aims to be one of the most advanced airports in the country. It will be among the first to adopt 5G-enabled operations, seamless biometric journeys under Digi Yatra, and IoT-driven traffic management. Cargo handling systems are semi-automated, built to handle pharmaceuticals, perishables, valuables and even live animals with world-class cold chain and security infrastructure.

Solar farms, rainwater harvesting and fleets of electric vehicles will ensure it meets stringent green standards. Where Delhi’s Indira Gandhi International remains India’s busiest with more than 70 million passengers last year, and Istanbul Airport crossed 76 million, Navi Mumbai’s eventual design capacity of 90 million places it squarely in this elite class.

No major airport in India is free from politics, and Navi Mumbai is no exception. The battle over naming rights — whether the airport should be named after Balasaheb Thackeray, the fiery founder of the Shiv Sena, or Dinkar Balu Patil, the farmer leader revered locally — continues to simmer.

In recent months, thousands of local people have demanded that the name DB Patil be affixed to the airport as recognition of his struggle on behalf of displaced farmers. Others insist that Ambedkar or Thackeray be immortalised instead. The Maharashtra government has sent multiple proposals to the centre, but no final decision has been made although Patil’s name seems to be the current frontrunner. The controversy is a reminder that airports are not just about planes and passengers: they are also about identity, pride and power.

Yet beneath the contest lies consensus: Mumbai needed this airport, India needed this airport and Adani has delivered it. When the first flights take off later this year, carrying business travellers, tourists and cargo alike, Navi Mumbai will immediately ease the pressure on the city’s skies.

Airlines such as Air India and IndiGo have already announced plans to operate dozens of flights a day from the new facility. For Maharashtra, the airport is expected to become a magnet for investment, drawing companies and talent to Navi Mumbai and beyond. For Jeet Adani, it represents a coming-of-age. And for India, it is another step in declaring to the world that its infrastructure will match its aspirations, lotus-like, rising resiliently from the mud to meet the sun.

Also Read: Trump’s India Strategy Could Backfire on US Giants: Here’s how

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Trump’s India Strategy Could Backfire on US Giants: Here’s how

After bruising tariffs, Washington may turn legal heat on Adani—while keeping Ambani close—to force India’s hand, risking blowback for Boeing, Apple, Google and other US giants.
By Brandon Nash

The optics have shifted, but the incentives have not. After a summer in which Washington doubled tariffs on Indian goods to a punitive 50 percent, President Donald Trump has belatedly praised Narendra Modi and the “special” India–US bond. That rhetorical climb-down, however, came only after India refused to blink on energy security and after a domestic backlash in India to weeks of hectoring from MAGA-world surrogates.

To assume that the White House has abandoned coercion would be naïve. The more likely next move—especially if the President feels he has lost face vis-à-vis Modi—is to turn the screws where he believes he has leverage: through legal and regulatory pressure centred on Adani, already entangled in US proceedings, while studiously avoiding any public antagonism towards Reliance and Mukesh Ambani, with whom there is demonstrable personal warmth. The aim would be simple: force policy concessions from New Delhi on tariffs, data, and energy without conceding that August’s tariff barrage was an overreach.

Consider the ground Trump world has already prepared. The administration’s additional 25-point tariff layer, taking duties to as high as 50 percent from 27 August, was justified as punishment for India’s continued purchase of discounted Russian crude. India pushed back, publicly and unambiguously, prioritising energy affordability in a slowing global economy.

That defiance triggered a second line of attack: televised rants from Peter Navarro, who branded India the “Maharajah of tariffs” and warned it “will not end well” unless New Delhi “comes around.” The intent was performative pressure at home and reputational sandpapering abroad.

It did not work. Indian public opinion hardened; policy did not change. Even sympathetic American commentators, like Walter Russell Mead in the Wall Street Journal, called out the asymmetry of penalising “friendly India” while giving Beijing a pass, arguing that if a strategic reset is to endure, it must shift from tariff theatrics to serious cooperation in technology and security. The political damage, though, has been done—and the White House still needs a lever.

That lever exists in the legal realm. US prosecutors in the Eastern District of New York unsealed an indictment last November naming Gautam Adani and others, alleging schemes involving bribery and securities fraud tied to Indian energy contracts; the Securities and Exchange Commission filed a related civil action and has been trying to serve defendants in India.

Bloomberg has since reported that attempts to resolve the matter have stalled as ties have soured, and, separately, that the Department of Justice has been probing allegations around Iranian LPG imports into India in potential sanctions-violation lanes. Whatever one’s view of the merits, these proceedings create an obvious pressure point that political strategists in Washington will be tempted to exploit: escalate subpoenas, tighten timelines, choreograph public filings and then privately offer de-escalation as part of a wider trade-and-energy accommodation. It is hardball, but it is familiar hardball.

By contrast, Reliance and Ambani are unlikely to be put in the crosshairs. The reasons are not ideological; they are personal and optical. In January, Mukesh and Nita Ambani attended the President’s pre-inauguration dinner in Washington; Reliance itself publicised the photo-op, and mainstream outlets carried the images and framing.

Reports this month of a fresh Ambani–Trump meeting were promptly denied by Reliance, but the denial is itself telling: the company understood that any whiff of special pleading could be weaponised in Delhi. Regardless, the record of public courtesies is real and recent—and precisely the kind of symbolism this White House reads as respect. A businessman who has “cosied up” endearingly will not be the chosen piñata. That role, unfairly or otherwise, will be reserved for the industrialist already encumbered by US cases.

If that is indeed the next act, the costs will not be borne by one conglomerate alone. Washington’s advisors would be wise to map the collateral. Boeing’s franchise in Indian civil aviation rests on marquee orders—Air India alone has firmed up 220 Boeing jets and Akasa has an order book of 150 737 MAX aircraft. Defence co-production and sales (from P-8I maritime patrol aircraft to future rotorcraft collaborations) depend on a political climate that rewards long-cycle partnerships, not tactical humiliation.

Apple’s India-to-US iPhone pipeline has become material to its de-risking from China. Reuters’ customs data analysis shows Foxconn shipped roughly $3.2 billion of iPhones from India to the US in March–May, with the US taking 97 percent of those exports in that window. Google has announced a $6-billion data-centre and power-infrastructure build in Andhra Pradesh. Meta counts India as its largest market by users. X’s compliance tussles in India are real, but the platform’s growth, creator economy and advertising upside are still tied to predictable policy.

If New Delhi hardens in response to legal coercion dressed up as “rule of law,” these American enterprises will discover just how quickly a partner can become a regulator.

Nor will this play out in a vacuum. Beijing has already seized the moral megaphone, denouncing the 50 percent tariffs as “unfair and unreasonable,” and inviting Indian firms to deepen ties with China. New Delhi will not be seduced, but it will use the moment to widen optionality—Europe on trade, Southeast Asia on supply chains and the Middle East on energy and capital.

In other words, the more Washington is seen to personalise pressure—especially via selective lawfare against industrialist Gautam Adani, widely accepted as India’s most nationalist business leader—the faster India will diversify its hedges. The irony is that this is the eventuality the White House says it wants to avoid.

There is a better course and, in the WSJ, Mead sketches it—move the relationship onto a more sustainable footing that does not rely on the 1990s playbook of export-led development to Western markets.

That means anchoring the partnership in the technosphere—trusted chips, cloud, AI compute and cybersecurity—while building real defence industrial cooperation and quietly de-risking Russian energy without performative ultimatums.

The immediate first step would be to reverse the August tariff escalation in stages, in parallel with a narrowly tailored stabilisation package (supply-chain carve-outs, defence co-production continuity, data-transfer protocols that recognise India’s privacy law), then lock progress into “side letters” with dated milestones.

Sequencing matters because this White House and its current resident values scoreboard optics.

If the scoreboard shows wins, the temperature drops. If the scoreboard shows defiance, the temptation to squeeze a high-profile corporate target will return.

Ultimately, it is about the domestic politics of dignity. Indians have long memories. Navarro’s “won’t end well” taunts, hedge-fund threats of secondary sanctions and casual demands that India “say sorry” have landed very badly. Former Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao is correct to call the latest Trump–Modi soundbites a de-escalation rather than a reset.

If Washington now adds a very public tightening of the DoJ–SEC vice on Adani to this season of tariff maximalism, it will confirm the worst suspicions in Delhi—that America’s talk of “trusted partners” masks a willingness to humiliate.

No Indian government can negotiate new disciplines on tariffs, data or energy under that lighting. A serious, future-proof partnership means walking back the tariff ambush, parking the megaphone and letting the lawyers do their jobs unmolested by politics. Anything else will merely push India to play hardball—and it is Boeing, Apple, Google, IBM, Intel, X and Meta that will discover the immediate costs.

Also Read: Reliance Consumer to Invest ₹1,500 Crore in Nagpur Food Processing Plant by 2026

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Fitch Upgrades India’s FY26 Growth Forecast to 6.9%, Citing Strong Demand Amid Global Risks

Fitch Upgrades India’s FY26 Growth Forecast to 6.9%, Citing Strong Demand Amid Global Risks

Robust services output and consumption fuel optimism, while trade tensions and inflation remain key challenges

Staff Writer

10 September 2025

Fitch Ratings has raised India’s GDP growth forecast for fiscal year 2025–26 to 6.9%, up from its earlier estimate of 6.5%. The upgrade reflects robust domestic demand, a strong services sector, and supportive financial conditions, despite looming trade uncertainties and global pressures.

India’s economy posted an impressive 7.8% year-on-year expansion in the first quarter of FY26, surpassing previous expectations. Services output surged by 9.3%, a significant jump from 6.8% in the preceding quarter. Private consumption, a key driver of growth, rose by 7% during the April–June period, buoyed by rising incomes and favorable financial conditions.

Fitch underscored that domestic demand will continue to be the main engine of growth. The agency noted that supportive real incomes and looser financial conditions should sustain investment and consumer spending throughout the year.

Inflation and Policy Outlook

Headline inflation fell to 1.6% in July, its lowest level since 2017, driven by weak food prices and abundant stockpiles. Core inflation also declined below 4%. Fitch projects that inflation will average 3.2% by the end of 2025 and rise modestly to 4.1% by the end of 2026.

The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) is expected to reduce policy rates by 25 basis points toward the end of 2025. Rates are likely to remain steady until late-2026 before hikes resume in 2027.

Despite the positive outlook, Fitch flagged risks stemming from rising trade tensions between India and the U.S. In August, the U.S. imposed an additional 25% tariff on imports from India, creating uncertainty that could weigh on investment sentiment. While Fitch expects that negotiations will eventually reduce the tariffs, it cautioned that ongoing uncertainty may dampen business confidence.

Fitch highlighted ongoing structural reforms, including GST cuts effective from September, which are expected to boost consumer spending and lend further momentum to growth. The composite Purchasing Managers’ Index (PMI), a gauge of business activity, hit a 17-year high in August. Industrial output also rose to a four-month peak, reinforcing signs of a strengthening economy.

Looking ahead, Fitch expects India’s growth to moderate to 6.3% in FY27 and 6.2% in FY28. While domestic demand will remain resilient, the early-year momentum may not be fully sustained in the latter half of FY26.

Fitch has not yet upgraded India’s sovereign rating, but its positive growth outlook builds on broader global confidence in the country’s economic trajectory. Earlier this year, S&P Global Ratings raised India’s rating after an 18-year hiatus, citing prudent fiscal management and sustained growth prospects.

With millions of livelihoods tied to economic stability, Fitch’s optimistic forecast underscores India’s resilience amidst global uncertainties, while highlighting the importance of reforms, consumption, and prudent policymaking in shaping the country’s long-term growth story.

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Can Indians afford Elon Musk’s cars?

Can Indians afford Elon Musk's cars?

The move comes amid intensifying discussions surrounding Tesla’s entry into India. On February 13, Musk met Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Washington, DC, fueling speculation about the company’s long-awaited arrival

Staff Writer

Tesla has taken a significant step towards its India expansion, reportedly securing a prime office space in Mumbai’s Bandra Kurla Complex (BKC).

The Elon Musk-led electric carmaker has leased a 4,003-square-foot space in the Maker Maxity building. The licensee for the agreement, reports claim, is Tesla India Motor & Energy Pvt., which currently operates from Panchsheel Business Park in Pune’s Viman Nagar. The licensor is Univco Properties LLP. As part of the lease deal, Tesla India has put down a security deposit of Rs 2.11 crore and will pay Rs 35.26 lakh in monthly rent, with a 5 per cent annual escalation.

The agreement is valid for five years.

The move comes amid intensifying discussions surrounding Tesla’s entry into India. On Feb. 13, Musk met Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Washington, DC, fueling speculation about the company’s long-awaited arrival. Since then, Tesla has listed 20 job openings across India—15 in Mumbai and five in Pune—and is actively exploring showroom locations in Mumbai and Delhi. Tesla’s India launch is likely to happen in the second half of 2025, with the Model Y expected to be the first offering. The vehicle is anticipated to be priced between Rs 60-70 lakh, positioning it against entry-level electric offerings from Mercedes-Benz, BMW, and Audi. If Tesla’s pricing stays above Rs 50 lakh, it could challenge the dominance of German luxury carmakers. If priced in the Rs 25-35 lakh range, the competition would extend to Indian manufacturers like Tata Motors and Mahindra. For Tesla, India could provide a much-needed boost.

The company is facing slowing sales globally, with declining shipments across key markets like the U.S., Germany, and China—where it already operates multiple factories. However, an immediate manufacturing facility in India appears unlikely, with Tesla initially expected to import its vehicles. The Tesla Model 3, the company’s most affordable offering, is expected to cost between Rs 35-40 lakh in India. This estimate considers a base price of around $35,000 (approximately Rs 30.4 lakh) in the U.S., reduced import duties of 15-20 per cent, and additional costs such as road tax and insurance. A calculation suggests that the total cost of owning a Model 3 in India could be around Rs 45.5 lakh, factoring in road tax (Rs 3.5 lakh), insurance (Rs 1.75 lakh), and an import duty of 15 per cent (Rs 5.25 lakh).

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Byju Raveendran defends himself amid crisis

Byju Raveendran defends himself amid crisis

The founder of embattled edtech giant BYJU’S refutes claims that his family had financially benefited from the company’s rise, stating that any wealth accumulated was reinvested to keep the start-up afloat

Staff Writer

In a LinkedIn post, Byju Raveendran, founder of embattled edtech giant BYJU’S, alleged “criminal collusion” between EY India, GLAS Trust, and an interim resolution professional (IRP), accusing them of working against the company’s interests.

He claimed to have received “conclusive evidence” of wrongdoing and called for an immediate investigation but did not disclose further details. “Several employees and I received a document with conclusive evidence of criminal collusion between EY India, which I otherwise held in high regard, GLAS Trust, which claims to represent lenders it does not represent, and the IRP, who was appointed by an Indian court to protect BYJU’S but ended up destroying it,” he wrote.

“I am sure a thorough investigation of this evidence will reveal the truth. I request the authorities to take that up immediately,” he added, demanding a probe into the alleged misconduct. Shortly after his post gained traction, Byju Raveendran’s LinkedIn account and the post were allegedly taken down. His wife, Divya Gokulnath, took to social media to highlight the removal, questioning the reason behind it. “Byju’s post and account taken down. Investigating why. But no problem. Here we go again,” she wrote, sharing screenshots of the deleted post. However, at the time of writing, both the account and post were restored. Raveendran’s statement comes as BYJU’S battles a legal and financial storm.

The company is entangled in disputes over a $1.2 billion term loan, with lenders pushing for governance changes amid an ongoing insolvency resolution process.

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Why India needs a Narayana Murthy, Anand Mahindra to head DOGE

Why India needs a Narayana Murthy, Anand Mahindra to head DOGE

This demand for accountability echoes recent developments in the US, where federal employees were given an ultimatum—list their weekly accomplishments or be deemed to have resigned. The move, backed by Elon Musk and the Trump administration, is stirring controversy over its potential impact on the workforce

Staff Writer

The push for greater accountability in government is gaining momentum, with calls for corporate-style efficiency now extending to public offices.

Gurmeet Chadha, Chief Information Officer (CIO) at Complete Circle, in a post on X questioned why government employees and public servants should be exempt from the rigorous performance reviews common in private organisations.

"I remember having weekly MIS & monthly reviews in every organisation I worked—ACC, HDFC, Nippon, Citibank. Why should govt employees & public servants be any different?" Chadha wrote, suggesting that leaders like NR Narayana Murthy, Aditya Puri, Nandan Nilekani, or Anand Mahindra be brought in to overhaul the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) in India.

This demand for accountability echoes recent developments in the US, where federal employees were given an ultimatum—list their weekly accomplishments or be deemed to have resigned. The move, backed by Elon Musk and the Trump administration, is stirring controversy over its potential impact on the workforce. Over the weekend, US government employees received an email instructing them to submit a list of their accomplishments from the past week or risk resignation.

The directive came shortly after Elon Musk posted on X, stating that employees would "shortly receive an email requesting to understand what they got done last week," adding, "Failure to respond will be taken as a resignation."

The email, which had the subject line "What did you do last week?", was sent by HR and requested employees to submit five bullet points summarizing their work, without including classified information, by midnight on Monday. The Office of Personnel Management (OPM), the federal government's HR agency, later confirmed the email’s authenticity, stating that it was part of an initiative to make the federal workforce "more efficient and accountable."

Musk, a vocal proponent of cost-cutting measures, has been at the forefront of a sweeping restructuring of government agencies under the so-called Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), with the White House’s approval. Thousands of employees at the IRS, Pentagon, and FAA have already been dismissed in recent weeks as part of the downsizing effort. The American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE), the largest union representing federal workers, strongly condemned the move. "Once again, Elon Musk and the Trump Administration have shown their utter disdain for federal employees and the critical services they provide to the American people," said union president Everett Kelley, vowing to challenge any unlawful terminations.

Meanwhile, newly confirmed FBI Director Kash Patel urged his agency’s employees to ignore the OPM directive for now. "FBI personnel may have received an email from OPM requesting information. The FBI, through the Office of the Director, is in charge of all of our review processes, and will conduct reviews in accordance with the FBI procedures," Patel stated in an internal memo.

The policy closely mirrors Musk’s approach to employee management during his Twitter takeover in 2022 when he issued ultimatums requiring staff to commit to an "extremely hardcore" work culture or resign. Trump has openly supported Musk’s actions, celebrating them as a step toward cutting bureaucratic inefficiencies. Speaking at the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), he declared,

"We're removing all of the unnecessary, incompetent, and corrupt bureaucrats from the federal workforce. We want to make government smaller, more efficient. We want to keep the best people, and we're not going to keep the worst people."

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Adani Power to fully restore supply to Bangladesh, but rejects discount request

Adani Power to fully restore supply to Bangladesh, but rejects discount request

Bangladesh owes Adani approximately $650 million, though company sources estimate the outstanding dues have reached nearly $900 million

Staff Writer

Adani Power will fully restore the 1,600 MW power supply from its Jharkhand plant to Bangladesh, but it has rejected Dhaka’s request for discounts and tax benefits, Reuters reported, citing sources.

The restoration follows a request from the Bangladesh Power Development Board (BPDB) amid rising summer demand. Despite agreeing to resume full supply, Adani Power has declined BPDB’s demands for discounts and concessions potentially worth millions of dollars.

Bangladesh owes Adani approximately $650 million, though company sources estimate the outstanding dues have reached nearly $900 million. The $2 billion plant in Jharkhand, which operates under a 25-year power purchase agreement signed in 2017, had reduced supply on October 31 due to overdue payments.

Since November 1, the facility has been running at minimal capacity, with one unit offline and no confirmed timeline for complete restoration. A Reuters-reviewed document revealed that the plant operated at just 41.82% capacity last month, its lowest level this year.

Adani Power had sent a letter on October 27, warning BPDB that if payments were not made, it would suspend power supply on October 31 as per the terms of the power purchase agreement.

Payments of $85 million in November and $97 million in October have only marginally reduced the outstanding balance. The company highlighted that BPDB has neither provided a $170.03 million letter of credit (LC) from Bangladesh Krishi Bank nor cleared the accumulated dues of $846 million.

In winter, Bangladesh had imported around 1,000 MW per month from Adani’s plant. With full supply expected to resume next week, it remains uncertain how the unpaid dues will affect the long-term power arrangement between the two parties.

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Why do labour shortages worry L&T’s SN Subrahmanyan?

Why do labour shortages worry L&T’s SN Subrahmanyan?

Larsen and Toubro CMD SN Subrahmanyan observed that while many countries face substantial migration issues, India presents a distinctive challenge as many people are hesitant to relocate for work

Staff Writer

The sharp decline in labour migration across the country has emerged as a major concern for industries, says SN Subrahmanyan, Chairman and Managing Director of Larsen & Toubro. Speaking at CII’s Mystic South Global Linkages Summit 2025 in Chennai on Tuesday, Subrahmanyan warned that the reluctance of workers to relocate for jobs poses a significant challenge to businesses and the nation’s growth.

“As an organisation, we employ about 2,50,000 staff and 4,00,000 labourers at any given point of time. While attrition among staff does bother me, I am more worried about the availability of labourers today,” Subrahmanyan said.

He elaborated on L&T’s approach to labour mobilisation, which includes a dedicated HR team closely involved in recruitment and deployment. Despite these efforts, challenges remain. “Labour is not willing to move for opportunities… Maybe their local economy is doing well, maybe it is due to the various government schemes & DBTs available to them, but they are not willing to move,” he explained.

The issue isn’t limited to blue-collar workers. Subrahmanyan noted a similar reluctance among white-collar professionals, including engineers. Reflecting on his own career, he remarked, “When I joined L&T as a graduate engineer, my boss said if you are from Chennai, you go to Delhi and work. But today, if I ask a person from Chennai to work out of Delhi, he says bye. It’s a different world of work today, and we have to see how to make HR policies flexible.”

He described this trend as a hurdle not just for L&T but also for the broader industry’s nation-building efforts.

L&T is tackling this issue through skill training institutes and technology adoption. Subrahmanyan highlighted the use of Artificial Intelligence, with around 100 algorithms developed in their infrastructure business to optimise operations.

The company is also exploring futuristic solutions to labour challenges. “3D printed buildings are still costly when seen at a rate per square foot, but if labour is getting difficult, maybe sometime in the future, we have to live with this,” he said, signaling a shift toward innovation as a potential answer to the workforce crunch.

 

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Why did US President Trump halt anti-bribery law?

Why did US President Trump halt anti-bribery law?

The law was used to go after the Adani Group under the previous Biden administration

Staff Writer

US President Donald Trump has ordered a pause in the enforcement of a nearly half-century-old law that was used to go after the Adani Group under the previous Biden administration.

The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) bans firms and people with US ties from offering money or gifts to foreign officials to secure business overseas.

President Trump had considered pausing the law during his first term.

“It sounds good on paper, but in [practice] it’s a disaster,” President Trump said on the FCPA, the British daily, “Financial Times”, reported. “It means that if an American goes over to a foreign country and starts doing business over there legally, legitimately or otherwise, it's almost a guaranteed investigation, indictment and nobody wants to do business with the Americans because of it.”

The order marks one of the boldest enforcement policies issued by the Trump administration, “FT” reported.

“… Over-expansive and unpredictable FCPA enforcement against American citizens and businesses — by our own Government — for routine business practices in other nations not only wastes limited prosecutorial resources that could be dedicated to preserving American freedoms, but actively harms American economic competitiveness and, therefore, national security,” the White House said in a statement on pausing the FCPA.

“It is therefore the policy of my Administration to preserve the Presidential authority to conduct foreign affairs and advance American economic and national security by eliminating excessive barriers to American commerce abroad,” President Trump's executive order said.
The executive order that President Trump signed asked the US Attorney General to “review in detail all existing FCPA investigations or enforcement actions and take appropriate action with respect to such matters to restore proper bounds on FCPA enforcement and preserve Presidential foreign policy prerogatives”.

Following the executive order to pause the enforcement of the FCPA, stocks of all Adani Group firms saw substantial gains on 11 February. The most notable gainer was Adani Enterprises Ltd, whose stock rose 4.28 per cent. Following closely was Adani Power Ltd, which rose 4.17 per cent to Rs 511.90 apiece.

Adani Green Energy Ltd was the third top gainer, as it rose 3.34 per cent to Rs 985.90 apiece. New Delhi Television Ltd (NDTV) stock rose 3.84 per cent to Rs 145 apiece. The shares of Adani Energy Solutions Ltd, Adani Total Gas Ltd, and Adani Ports and Special Economic Zone Ltd also saw gains.

On 10 February, six US Congressmen in a letter to Attorney General Pam Bondi said the previous Department of Justice's (DoJ) action was a “misguided crusade” that came at the “risk of harming” America's relationship with a “strategic geopolitical partner” like India.

They called it one of the “unwise decisions” by the Biden administration.

“This case rests on the allegation that preparations were made by members of this company in India to bribe Indian officials, also exclusively located in India. Instead of deferring the case to the appropriate Indian authorities, the Biden DoJ decided to push forward and indict the company's executives without any real injury to US interests being present,” the six Congressmen said.

Earlier, the Adani Group — the largest and fastest-growing portfolio of diversified businesses in India — had last year strongly denied allegations by the Biden administration that some company officials were part of an alleged scheme to pay over $250 million bribe to Indian officials in exchange for favourable terms for solar power contracts.

The Adani Group has interests in logistics (seaports, airports, logistics, shipping and rail), resources, power generation and distribution, renewable energy, gas and infrastructure, agro (commodities, edible oil, food products, cold storage and grain silos), real estate, public transport infrastructure, consumer finance and defence, and other sectors.

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Counterpoint

Hindenburg’s Nate Anderson says stands by Adani report, closure not due to any threat

Hindenburg’s Nate Anderson says stands by Adani report, closure not due to any threat

Anderson told PTI that Hindenburg’s January 2023 report accusing Adani Group of “the largest con in corporate history” was a result of following “red flags” raised against the conglomerate in media reports

 

 

Staff Writer

Activist short-seller Nathan Anderson, known for his high-profile campaigns against the likes of Adani Group, said he is closing his firm, Hindenburg Research, not because of any threat – legal or otherwise – and that he stands by all its reports.

Anderson told PTI that Hindenburg’s January 2023 report accusing Adani Group of “the largest con in corporate history” was a result of following “red flags” raised against the conglomerate in media reports.

Adani group had repeatedly denied all allegations in the report.

He termed as “goofy conspiracy” the attempts by some to link Hindenburg with alleged anti-India groups like OCCRP and George Soros, saying his outlet never commented on them as it followed the policy of not feeding into “silly conspiracy theories”.

Anderson, who came to be known for meticulously detailed reports against companies he alleged were committing fraud, last month announced shutting down his forensic research firm nearly eight years after he founded it.

Asked why he chose to shut down Hindenburg when he could have stepped back and passed on the reins of the company to someone else, he said there is “no way to separate me from the brand.” “Hindenburg is basically synonymous with me,” he said. “If it was a software application or a bicycle factory you can sell the application or the factory. But when it’s research driven by me, you can’t really just hand that off, and so I would not actually be ‘done’. But I am happy to support the team if they want to launch a new brand, which I expect they will.” Anderson, who first shot to fame with a report against electric truck company Nikola and had gone after the companies of major financial figures, including Carl Icahn’s Icahn Enterprises LP, had last month blamed the “intensity and focus” of the job for the decision to wind up.

He had spent much of the last eight years either in fights or preparing for the next fight. Many times during this period, he was often trailed and attempts were made to infiltrate his system.

“As to why I retired – it is all in the letter (released on January 16 that announced shutting down of Hindenburg) – it is not based on any threat, health issue, personal issue or otherwise,” he said.

Conspiracies theories like being on the verge of an investigation by the US Department of Justice and/or US SEC to “concoct a counter-narrative about my retirement is a great example of why I am happy to instead be enjoying more time with family, friends and good music,” he said.

Hindenburg has said it is not under investigation by the US SEC over anonymous reports linking its founder to a hedge fund for preparing reports targeting companies.

Asked if he stood by Hindenburg reports particularly against the Adani group, Anderson said, “We 100 per cent stand by all of our research findings.” Hindenburg had alleged that Adani Group had used a web of companies in tax havens to inflate its revenue and manipulate stock prices, even as debt piled up. The conglomerate vehemently denied all claims but the damning report at one point sheared over USD 150 billion off its value, losses it eventually recouped in over a year’s time.

The issue was agitated before the Supreme Court which did not find any need for a probe other than the one market regulator SEBI had initiated into certain issues prior to the Hindenburg report.

On some seeing the Hindenburg report as against India and its growth story, Anderson said, “We have always believed in India’s potential and view market transparency and strong corporate governance as key factors that can fuel India’s growth story.” He did not elaborate.

“We initially saw media articles outlining red flags, took a closer look, and just kept following the evidence,” he said on why Adani group was chosen.

On allegations of being in cohorts with OCCRP and George Soros, he said, “Of course not, but we have a policy of not feeding into silly conspiracy theories. When the main response to 100+ pages of evidence (presented in the report against Adani Group) is a goofy conspiracy, we view it as a sign that we were right on the mark.” Asked about the response of regulatory bodies in India to Hindenburg reports, he said, “We view our role as researching and writing about issues in need of transparency. The rest is out of our hands.” He dismissed allegations of sharing reports with hedge funds, saying, “We have always maintained full editorial control over all of our research.” “As we and many other US-based short sellers have discussed in public interviews for years, our model involves investing our own capital and sometimes also bringing on a balance sheet partner. This is one of the most common business models in our industry, it is fully compliant with all applicable laws, and we disclose this in our reports,” he added.

The 40-something son of a university professor and a nurse, Nathan (Nate) Anderson on January 15 issued a personal note that Hindenburg Research was being wound up after it “finished the pipeline of ideas we were working on.” The Connecticut man, who worked for 10 months as an ambulance driver in Israel, studied international business, finance, and accounting, managed money for the rich, believed he could make money by exposing corporate corruption.

Hindenburg, founded in 2017, placed bets against the companies it was researching. And it made money when stock prices of its targets tumbled on disclosure of fraud and other abuses that it unearthed through deep forensic financial research.

It however made surprisingly little money — just over USD 4 million — from the report on billionaire Gautam Adani’s sprawling business empire in January 2023.

That figure, disclosed for the first time by Hindenburg on its website last year, along with details of a letter it said it had received from India’s markets regulator, SEBI.

Anderson appears to be wanting to move on, having achieved what he and his colleagues wanted. “We shook some empires that we felt needed shaking,” he wrote in a personal memo last month.

But, this did take a toll on him. “It has come at the cost of missing a lot of the rest of the world and the people I care about,” he had written. “It wasn’t always obvious to me, but I now view all of this as a love story.” Hindenburg’s research has led to fraud charges and indictments against dozens of individuals, but has also resulted in expensive legal battles. The firm had just 11 employees.

Its last published report was on online car retailer Carvana earlier this year.